Tanzania’s role in liberating South Africa from apartheid

Despite having gained independence 30 years earlier, Tanzania’s economy lagged far behind South Africa’s. It still lags behind today. What do you think is the reason for that?

The only part of South Africa that was far ahead of Tanzania was for white people. Unfortunately, the black side was not too far from where Tanzania was in terms of being underdeveloped. Bridging that gap has been the major challenge in South Africa post-Apartheid.

Tanzania suffered tremendous economic losses because of her support for the African majority rule in South Africa. As someone who was in the government at that time, tell us what made Tanzania so resilient despite the economic beating.

It was not a beating. We can characterize it differently. It’s a price you pay for a principle. As a result, it helped us build resilience. It was an important price to pay. We would have spent a lot of resources fighting apartheid 30 years later. So I think we paid that price at the right time. Or perhaps we should have even done it much earlier.

Were Tanzanians in support of the government making such a huge sacrifice that would have an adverse impact on their lives?

The government was quite effective in mobilizing public support under Julius Nyerere. It was a sacrifice worth making. It wasn’t a problem at all for Tanzanians to support the liberation movement. In fact, we saw it as our duty and responsibility, along with the dictum that Africa is not free until all of us are free. That is why we have these structures of cooperation, such as SADC. It is a consequence of that support for liberation across the entire subcontinent that we are talking about issues of economic collaboration today.

What is the one thing you would have done differently as High Commissioner, given the chance and full authority as a representative of the Tanzanian government?

I wouldn’t have done anything differently. I could see that the government had complete trust in me. That is why, even when I made the decision to retire early, I could see some resistance from my leadership.

President Thabo Mbeki awarded you the Order of Good Hope for your service. What did it mean to you at that time? What does it mean to you today?

It was quite humbling because I was doing my normal call of duty as a Tanzanian diplomat. It was good to know that my efforts were recognized and highly appreciated by South Africans.

As a career diplomat, what is your general view of Tanzania’s foreign policy today?

During our time, the focus was on liberating Africa. But towards the end of my career, some new developments came in. The end of the Cold War brought in a new environment, which required us to open up our politics and the country. For example, we were a one-party state, but we had to open up and introduce a multiparty democracy in Tanzania focused on human rights, rule of law, and good governance.

However, today’s global dynamics are very different. If you thought we had diplomatic challenges during the liberation struggle, I think my colleagues who are in diplomacy today are dealing with a much more complex situation.

Does Tanzania still hold the same weight in terms of its influence in Africa?

Different administrations come with different priorities. Julius Nyerere was very focused on pan-Africanist issues. These were sustained by President Mwinyi. But increasingly, the presidents who came after Nyerere had the challenge of addressing local economic issues. They had to be much more focused on national issues.

I think we still play an important role today. We still have a historic leadership role in the region. This, however, varies from one administration to another. Presidents Mwinyi, Mkapa, and Kikwete sustained. President Magufuli focused on domestic affairs, so in a way we lost a bit of our traditional leadership in the region and on the continent, but now President Samia is reviving it; she is marketing the country across the world.

You took early retirement from diplomatic service to focus on the private sector. What drove you to make that decision at a time when many thought you were at the peak of your career and destined for a bigger role within government?

I think I was burned out. There was no more juice in my body. I was lucky to have been given huge responsibilities from a young age. I was appointed assistant to President Mwinyi at 34. That was when I lost my youth.

The second reason, I think, is that the bigger part of my career focused on the liberation struggle. To see apartheid eradicated and Nelson Mandela out of jail was the pinnacle of my career. So I felt that even if I had remained for the next 50 years, I would not achieve that kind of excitement. It might not be appreciated now, but back then, it meant a lot.

Third, when I was in South Africa, I took an aggressive approach to promoting economic diplomacy and South African investment in Tanzania. I mobilized funds for Tanzania. I always say that my deputy was the High Commissioner; I was more of a door-to-door salesman for Tanzania.

So, in my engagement with corporate South Africa, I came to understand Tanzanian opportunities much better. Tanzania was undergoing an economic transformation under President Mkapa. He had taken measures to modernize the economy by establishing macroeconomic fundamentals, addressing the debt burden, and addressing issues of inclusiveness. So I saw a lot of opportunities, which made me decide to retire from diplomacy and focus on the private sector.